Crisis in the Riksdag, fascists at the wheel

UPDATE: Löfvén has announced a new parliamentary election. This is the first time in almost exactly a century that this has happened in Sweden; the last double election (to what was then the lower house of the Riksdag) took place in March and September 1914. I am not familiar enough with the politics of Feministisk Initiativ to say to what degree I support them, but this is an opportunity they should by no means let slip.

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It appears that the worst-case scenario for the Swedish Parliament is about to become reality with today's vote on the budget proposal from the minority Social-Democratic government. The far-right Sweden Democrats party has pledged to vote against the center-left budget proposal and instead vote for the center-right opposition proposal, which could lead to the collapse of Prime Minister Stefan Löfvén's government and new elections at the end of the month. Their rationale, according to interim party leader Mattias Karlsson, was that they would "attempt to topple every government or budget proposal that supports increased immigration and gives [the Green Party] a decisive influence over immigration policy". (Note: The Green Party had been a vocal opponent of the Sweden Democrats' staunchly anti-immigrant position and openly embraced a more active, welcoming immigration policy.)

The budget proposal put forth by the ruling coalition after a general election is traditionally the first stepping-stone for a new administration in beginning its four-year mandate. For decades, this has never been an issue as either the Social Democrats (now part of the center-left Red-Green coalition) or the Moderates (part of the center-right Alliance) have had a solid majority in Parliament and therefore no problems getting their budget proposals passed.

This September's results, however, provided a nasty shock as not only did neither coalition receive even a simple majority, but the Sweden Democrats -- a far-right party with documented roots in the fascist and neo-Nazi movement -- became the third-largest party in Parliament. As neither coalition have been willing to work with them, they've become the rogue element in the Swedish government -- and they seem willing to play that role to the hilt.

According to Dagens Nyheter, the liberal paper of record, Löfvén is faced with two choices: resign and allow the Speaker of the Riksdag (Social Democrat Urban Ahlin) to form a new government, or call for new elections. Many commentators believe that if he resigns, the Speaker would attempt to form a new center-left government -- but without the Green Party (Miljöpartiet de gröna), which would essentially break up the Red-Green coalition and make future collaboration on the parliamentary left that much more difficult.

If the Red-Green coalition loses MP but maintains their minority government, they will be forced to reach rightwards to some or all of the Alliance in order to get their budget proposal passed; this will mean either major concessions or a wholesale adoption of the opposition budget. This is bound to be a hugely unpopular move, as the Alliance government was thrown out on its ear last September after eight years of cutbacks and privatization of the public sector.

The most unsettling factor in all this, however, is that it is the 'respectable' face of Swedish fascism calling the tune. (This is not to say that without this influence the Red-Greens would not have moved rightward of its own volition. They have been doing so since at least the 1970s, and it was this rightward drift that made center-right general election victories possible after a half-century of unbroken Social-Democratic rule.) Whatever the outcome of the next day or so, the Sweden Democrats have established themselves as a major political force at the national level. This will only serve as further encouragement for the smaller, more violent fascist and neo-Nazi groups on the fringe. There are more Kärrtorps waiting in the wings, and the Swedish left must be prepared for them.

The dramatic gains of the Sweden Democrats in September's election, however, are not the only trend worth noting. Of all the parties competing for seats in Parliament, only two actually increased their share of votes compared with 2010: the Sweden Democrats and a far-left party called Feminist Initiative. FI, unfortunately, did not garner enough votes nationally to clear the 4% hurdle and gain seats in the Riksdag, but their relatively dramatic gain over their results four years ago was enough to indicate that the Swedish voting populace is polarizing away from centrist politics.

There is an important lesson here that the Swedish left can learn from the Sweden Democrats, paradoxical as that may sound. There needs to be a party, an organization, that stands clearly and openly for radical -- even revolutionary -- politics. Unlike the Sweden Democrats, they should not be concerned with being the respectable 'suit and tie' face of revolutionary politics -- toning down what they consider to be their more extreme stances -- but should agitate proudly for radical change and the politics that promote them. Whether it is a coalition party like Syriza in Greece or a single party like Podemos in Spain, its increased presence in Swedish national politics can have the same effect for smaller radical and revolutionary groups as the Sweden Democrats have for their rightward fringe.

Whatever else may be said about parliamentary democracy, either here in Sweden or in general, it is abundantly clear that it cannot withstand the assaults of fascism, even almost 70 years after the defeat of its last international manifestation. Radical resistance among Swedish workers -- native-born and immigrant, men and women, LGBT or straight -- must be built now. If that resistance can put a radical party into the Riksdag, so much the better, but that should not be the main -- or only -- road to building the fightback. The whole capitalist system rests on the inequality and injustice that form the soil in which fascism takes root, and our fightback needs to be organized at our workplaces and on our streets as well.